Ehyah Ashar Ehyah's Promise

The Struggle Of The Israelites Part 1
Let me start from The East Africa region .

Early history Note: In Eritrea's History there is a very important rich history never been told. In Eritrea there are lost tribes of Israel /Northern Kingdom/ who migrated to Eritrea in the year of 721 B.C. When the northern kingdom fell Tigrinia, and Tigre Tribes [ Tribe of Gad the worrier and tribe of Ephrem] travelled to east Africa. The name of Eritrea use to be Agazian means the Hebrews who spoke Geez language.

After the fall of the Israelites the southern kingdom / Lambas ,Igbos and Bantu's which are tribe of Judah /Benjamin, and Livi /who migrated after the 2nd temple destruction in 70 AD also went to west Africa and some of them to Eritrea Igbo tribe of Judah from Nigeria. They lived till this day In Eritrea and Tigray region for almost 3,000 years. The Hebrew tribes of Israel still practice their Hebrew customs until this day! Tigrinya is the language The Israelites uses, It is about 60% Hebrew. And those Israelites most Of them are unaware of their roots and their ancient customs even though they still practice the Hebrew customs. Those Hebrew tribes of Israel in Eritrea are pretty much blended as one by marrying each other/ their cousins/ . That is why you can see different shades of Brown even in one family. The Israelites been at war with Turkey, Ishmaelites, Italians and those Ethiopian tribes called Amara which are the ancient Egyptians. They stole the custom of the Hebrew tribes , Geez letters, clothing, and still fight to own Eritrea land. Amhara people been fighting with Hebrews for many years by the help of Edomites, Rusians US and other allays to just stole the culture of the Hebrews. they helped Italians to separate the Hebrews into two countrys. Tigray was forsed to join Abisiniya by Ethiopian eperrior minilk and Italians. Eritrea remains under Italians for 30 years. there is an article below how Ethiopia created to destroy the Hebrews.

Deuteronomy 28 64 And the Lord shall scatter thee among all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other; and there thou shalt serve other gods, which neither thou nor thy fathers have known, even wood and stone.

65 And among these nations shalt thou find no ease, neither shall the sole of thy foot have rest: but the Lord shall give thee there a trembling heart, and failing of eyes, and sorrow of mind:

66 And thy life shall hang in doubt before thee; and thou shalt fear day and night, and shalt have none assurance of thy life:

67 In the morning thou shalt say, Would God it were even! and at even thou shalt say, Would God it were morning! for the fear of thine heart wherewith thou shalt fear, and for the sight of thine eyes which thou shalt see.

The Future prophesy for the Hebrews In Eritrea and Tigray Tribe of Gad the worrier tribe
Genesis 49
19 Gad, a troop shall overcome him: but he shall overcome at the last.

Archaeological evidence of pre-humans has been discovered in the Buya region of Eritrea, near Adi Keyh. The discovery may be one of the oldest ever found, and is similar to the famous "Lucy" find. Evidence of human presence begins in the 8th millennium B.C., beginning with Pygmoid, Nilotic, Cushitic (the Afar) and Semitic (Tigrinya) 12 tribes of Israel . In Eritrea people from 10 tribes of Israel lived since 721 B.C/ Birth of Christ/. And some are also from tribe of Judah who letter moved to those areas and still live there . In the sixth century B.C., Arabs spread to the coast of present day Eritrea, in search of ivory and slaves for trade with Persia and India. Their language evolved into Ge'ez, related to today's Tigriniya ,Tigre, Tigray people, And still spoken by Christian priests in Eritrea and Ethiopia.

During the 3rd and 4th century AD, Eritrea was part of the kingdom of Axum which spread from Meroe in Sudan right across the Red Sea to Yemen. The capital of Axum was in the highlands of Tigray (now a province in Ethiopia), and the main port was at Adulis which is now called Zulu in Eritrea. This Kingdom was based upon trade across the Red Sea and was founded by Semitic people originally from Arabia. Christianity was the predominant faith of Axum introduced through contact with traders throughout the region.
By the 6th century AD the Persian Empire expanded and with it went the expansion of Islam. In 710 AD Muslims destroyed Adulis and the ancient kingdom of Axum declined until it was reduced to a small Christian Enclave. For the next few centuries, the region settled into being a remote, isolated community only re-emerging by the early 16th century as Abyssinia. The Abyssinian Kingdom covered the Ethiopian highlands ruled by kings and peopled by Christian Tigrinya and remaining fairly isolated. The community had little or no contact with the lowlands of the region which was home to predominantly Muslim communities.
This period in Eritrea's history is highly contentious. Ethiopians claimed Eritrea had been an integral part of historic Ethiopia but though there are some common practices and religious beliefs between Eritreans and Ethiopia, these ties do not extend throughout Ethiopia. In fact, large parts of Eritrea, it would seem, were linked to other empires. The Ottoman Empire and Egypt had relations with the northern and eastern part of the country, and various Sudanic Empires to the west and north-west have had their influence.
19th century expansion
Abyssinia was subject to the expansionism of the Egyptians and some European powers (French, Italian and British). In the early parts of the century, Ali Pasha invaded Sudan and gradually pushed on the Western Lowlands of present-day Eritrea. By mid-century, European interest in the area was increasing. The British had a consulate in Massawa, and the French already had a presence. Italian missionaries were established in Keren.

Emperor Tewodros II, who ruled Abyssinia from 1855-68, also had to deal with rebel forces in Tigray and Soha, who chose Ras Kassa as their ruler. Tewodros was defeated in 1868 after the British General Sir Robert Napier had landed in Zulu to release the Consul and other prisoners held by the emperor. After Tewodros defeat, Ras Kassa was crowned Emperor Yohannes IV in 1872. Yohannes forces won a significant battle against the Egyptians at Gura in 1875. From this victory, Yohannes' foremost General, Ras Alula, became governor of the province of Hamasien and prince of Eritrea.
Italian influence
The first Italian mission in Abyssinia was at Adua in 1840, under Father Giuseppe Sapeto. He was the vehicle through which the Italian government brought up pieces of land near Assab, initially on behalf of the national Rubattino Shipping Company. But as the European 'Scramble for Africa' gathered pace, the Italian government took over the land in 1882 and began to administer it directly. They also ousted the Egyptians from Massawa on the coast. However, expansion further inland soon led to clashes with Emperor Yohannes. In 1887, Ras Alula forces inflicted a heavy defeat on the Italians at Dogali, forcing them to retreat.
This was a significant victory for Yohannes, who was also facing a number of other threats on different fronts at the same time - not only the Italians, but the Dervishes and Menelik, an increasingly disloyal general. Yohannes was eventually killed after being captured in battle against the Dervishes at Galabat. Following his death, Ras Alula withdrew to Tigray. This allowed Menelik to be named Yohannes successor in 1889 with substantial Italian backing, instead of the natural heir, Ras Mengesha.

The Italians then moved rapidly, taking Keren in July 1889 and Asmara one month later. Menelik had signed the Treaty of Uccialli with the Italians the same year, detailing the areas each controlled. Just four years later, Menelik renounced the treaty over a dispute arising from further Italian expansionist attempts. After more military clashes and in the face of sizable Italian reinforcements, Menelik signed a peace treaty. Italy then began establishing colonial rule in the areas it controlled, as defined in the treaties with the Ethiopian emperor in 1900, 1902 and 1908.
Colonial rule
The Italians initially used a system of indirect rule through local chiefs at the beginning of the 20th century. The first decade or so concentrated on expropriation of land from indigenous owners. The colonial power also embarked on the construction of the railway from Massawa to Asmara in 1909. Fascist rule in the 1920s and the spirit of 'Pax Italiana' gave a significant boost to the number of Italians in Eritrea, adding further to loss of land by the local population.
In 1935, Italy succeeded in over-running Abyssinia, and decreed that Eritrea, Italian Somali-land and Abyssinia were to be known as Italian East Africa. The development of regional transport links at this time round Asmara, Assab and Addis produced a rapid but short-lived economic boom.
However, there began to be clashes between Italian and British forces in 1940. Under General Platt, the British captured Agordat in 1941, Taking Keren and Asmara later that year. As Britain did not have the capacity to take over the full running of the territory, they left some Italian officials in place. One of the most significant changes under the British was the lifting of the color bar which the Italians had operated. Eritreans could now legally be employed as civil servants. In 1944, with the changing fortunes in world war II, Britain withdrew resources from Eritrea. The postwar years and economic recession led to comparatively high levels of urban unemployment and unrest.
Ethiopian rule
When the British withdrew, the fate of Eritrea was left in the balance. It was known that the British favored partition - the north and west of Eritrea to Sudan, The rest to Ethiopia, which suited Haile Selassie. After initial presentations on the possible future of Eritrea, in 1949 the UN established a Commission of Inquiry with the task of finding out what Eritreans wanted for their own future. For a number of reasons, countries represented on the Commission could not agree on recommendations. The eventual decision to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia in 1950 reflected the strategic interests of Western Powers, particularly the United States. The US Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, put this succinctly in 1952:
'From the point of view of justice, the opinions of the Eritrean people must receive consideration. Nevertheless the strategic interests of the United States in the Red Sea basin and considerations of security and world peace make it necessary that the country has to be linked with our ally, Ethiopia.'

At the same time Ethiopia had been strengthening its ties with the United States, even sending troops to fight with the Americans in the Korean War in 1950. Concerned that a weak Eritrea might be vulnerable to a communist takeover, which would threaten access to the Red Sea and trade through the Suez Canal, the United States and other western powers, acting through the United Nations, promoted the idea of Eritrea becoming part of Ethiopia. In December 1952, the UN finally declared Eritrea an autonomous unit federated to Ethiopia and hence turned Eritrea over to its most brutal and oppressive ruler to date: Ethiopia. It was the beginning of the ten-year period of absorption by Ethiopia.
Haile Selassie saw to it that the first three governors of the federated unit were related to him. Ethiopia began to violate and undermine the federal arrangement. Eritrean political parties were banned. The agreed Eritrean share of customs and excise duty were expropriated. Eritrean newspapers were censored. In 1956, Tigrinya and Arabic were forbidden as teaching languages, and replaced with Amharic. Student protests and boycotts ensued, but were repressed. Eritrean industries were dismantled and moved to Addis Ababa. In 1962, with the silent consent of the UN and USA, and again against the expressed will of the people of Eritrea, Ethiopia unilaterally dissolved the "Federation", formally, forcefully and illegally annexed Eritrea and declared it to its 14th province of Ethiopia.
For the next 30 years, Eritrea's plight was virtually ignored by the international community. Frustration at the lack of room for political manoeuvre finally resulted in the launch of the armed struggle. Ethiopia's Haile Selassie was supported for decades by the United States for geopolitical and Cold War reasons. For the US's unrestricted use of a military base, Selassie was given "aid" (i.e. military aid). This unfortunately was used against Eritrean secessionists and Ethiopian guerillas in brutal wars.

1961 - 1977 From guerrilla to an army The armed struggle began in September 1961 when a contingent of eleven fighting men, under the leadership of Idris Hamid Awate formed the first armed forces of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). By mid 1962 some 500 men were successfully harassing Ethiopian troops around Agordat. On December 19th 1962, a group of policemen deserted to the ELF in Massawa, taking with them rifles machineguns, and ammunition
In the first decade, attacks by ELF guerrillas were answered by Ethiopian reprisals, often directed against any civilian population. Ethiopian forces burned villages, sometimes massacring hundreds of villagers. Waves of refugees began to pour into Sudan. As a result the sympathy that might once have existed among some sectors of the population for a close relationship with Ethiopia rapidly disappeared.
The period 1970 to 1974, when the ELF and the newly-emerged EPLF fought a civil war, is a bleak period in Eritrea's history. This ended when the revolution in Ethiopia made it imperative for the fronts to hold a common position to confront any proposals that might come from Addis. By this time the EPLF was establishing itself as a powerful force. During 1974/75 it further strengthened itself by successfully recruiting Eritreans with military training from the Ethiopian police force in Eritrea, and from Eritrean commando units which it had successfully defeated. A large influx of young people joined the EPLF after 56 students were garroted with electric cable in Asmara in January 1975.

By mid 1976, began the launching of the 'Peasant Army' offensive against Eritrea. The Eritrean guerrilla forces (estimated to number 20,000) managed to win considerable victories against the occupying Ethiopians. The EPLF laid siege to Nacfa in September 1976. In 1977 they took Karora, Afabet, Elaberet, Keren and Decemhare. They also surrounded Asmara, Eritrea's capital and organized the escape of 1,000 political prisoners from Asmara's jail. The ELF took Tessenei, Agordat and Mendefera. By the end of 1977 the mainland Massawa was in the hands of the EPLF, which now had captured tanks and armored vehicles. They were close to final victory in early 1978, but had not planned on the Soviet Union's crucial intervention in the form of military aid for Mengistu's regime in Ethiopia.

1977 - 1988 Soviet intervention
The Soviet Union intervened in December 1977. The Soviet navy, by shelling EPLF positions from their battleships, prevented the EPLF from taking the port section of Massawa. A massive airlift of Soviet tanks and other arms allowed the Ethiopian army to push back the Somali forces in the Ogaden, and by May/June 1978 these troops and heavy Armour were available for redeployment in Eritrea. In two offensives the Ethiopian army retook most of the towns held by the Eritrean fronts.
For the EPLF the return to the northern base areas was 'a strategic withdrawal'. It minimized civilian and military casualties. It also allowed the EPLF to give battle at strategic points of its choosing, to evacuate towns and to remove plant and equipment to its base area.
For the ELF the story was different. In attempting to hold territory its casualties were high. The balance of military power between the fronts had now shifted strongly towards the EPLF. Recognizing its weaker position, worsened by ethnic disputes, the ELF began in 1979 to respond to the Soviet proposals. In return for its agreement to autonomy within Ethiopia the ELF was offered the reins of government in Eritrea, while the EPLF stood for a secular and socialist state of Eritrea, rejecting ethnic differences.
A bitter civil war between the ELF and the EPLF resulted, that the EPLF finally won in 1981. ELF fighters either changed sides or fled to Sudan, and the EPLF became the single front with a military presence in Eritrea. The EPLF successfully resisted offensives in 1982 and 1983, while the Dergue organized genocidal responses to eliminate the broad civil support to EPLF liberation movement. But the EPLF lines held and the morale and confidence of the EPLF were given massive boost while the Ethiopian army was demoralized. Its net effect was to strengthen the range of military equipment at the EPLF's disposal.

Ethiopian forces tried to weaken the morale of the population of Eritrea by hangingcaptured EPLF fighters and civil collaborators in the center of the Eritrean villages.

Through most of the war, Ethiopia occupied the southern part of Eritrea. The EPLF had to settle in the inhospitable northern hills towards the Sudanese border. These hills became a safe haven for the families of soldiers and the orphans and disabled. Consequently, much of the regions around Afabet and Nacfa in Sahel province became home to makeshift homes, schools, orphanages, hospitals, factories, printers, bakeries etc. in an attempt to live life as normally as possible under extraordinary conditions. Most structures were built either into the ground or in caves to avoid being bombed by Ethiopian jets. The steep narrow areas were chosen as they were the hardest for the jets to negotiate.
In 1984, while Mengistu was spending lavishly on a celebration of the tenth anniversary of his glorious revolution, one-sixth of the population of Ethiopia was in danger of dying of starvation, and ten thousand people per week were already dying. As part of the "politics of famine", Mengistu began using his power to block delivery of grain to areas he considered hostile to him, most notably Tigray and Eritrea. Innocent people starved to death while grain sat undelivered.

1988 - 1993 The victory At the end of the 1980s, the Soviet Union informed Mengistu that it would not be renewing its defense and cooperation agreement with Ethiopia. With the withdrawal of Soviet support and supplies, the Ethiopian Army's morale plummeted and the EPLF began to advance on Ethiopian positions. In 1988, the EPLF captured Afabet, headquarters of the Ethiopian Army in northeastern Eritrea, prompting the Ethiopian Army to withdraw from its garrisons in Eritrea's western lowlands. EPLF fighters then moved into position around Keren, Eritrea's second largest city.

The EPLA (military branch of the EPLF) by this time includes twelve infantry brigades (some 20,000 fighters), 200 tanks and armored vehicles, and a fleet of fast attack speedboats, all captured in battle and in guerrilla raids from the Ethiopians. EPLA's disadvantageous combat ratio ranged from 1:4 to 1:8, but the battlefield mortality ratio was at least ten Ethiopians to one Eritrean, due to better trained and more committed fighters.
In 1990 the EPLF had captured the strategically important port of Massawa, and they entered Asmara, now the capital of Eritrea, in 1991. The Ethiopian army under Haile Mariam Mengistu (an army officer who deposed Haile Selassie in 1974) intensified the war against Eritrea, but it was easily defeated in 1991 after Mengistu fell from power.
It was at 10:00 a.m. on May 24, 1991 that Asmara residents realized EPLF fighters had entered their city. In a spontaneous outburst of happiness and relief, Asmarinos flung open their doors and rushed into the streets to dance in jubilation, some still in their pajamas. The dancing lasted for weeks.

At a conference held in London in 1991 the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), who were now in control of Ethiopia having ousted Mengistu and were sympathetic to Eritrean nationalist aspirations, accepted the EPLF as the provisional government of Eritrea. So began the long process towards independence and international legitimation of Eritrea as a country in its own right.
In April 1993 a referendum was held in which 1,102,410 Eritreans voted; 99.8% endorsed national independence and on May 28 Eritrea became the 182nd member of the UN. Later that year, Eritreans elected their first president, Isaias Afewerki, formerly secretary-general of the EPLF.
Thus it is now eligible to receive international aid to help reconstruct and develop its shattered economy. Since establishing a provisional government in 1991, Eritrea has been a stable and peaceful political entity, with all political groups represented in the transitional government.
The war has had a devastating effect on Eritrea. Around 60,000 people lost their lives, there are an estimated 50,000 children with no parents and 60,000 people who have been left handicapped. However, there is now great optimism with people pulling together to rebuild the country. The National Service, announced on July 14th 1994, required all women and men over eighteen to undergo six months of military training and a year of work on national reconstruction. This helped to compensate for the country's lack of capital and to reduce dependence on foreign aid, while welding together the diverse society.

1997 The border conflict Following Eritrea's independence in 1993, a boundary commission had been established to cover the Yirga Triangle (Badme) and other disputed areas. In 1997, the Ethiopian authorities issued a map of the Tigrayan Administrative Region which confirmed Tigrayan expansionism. The map proved to be the end of the good relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and resulted in an armed conflict in August 1997 and an all-out war in May 2000, when Ethiopia occupied large parts of Eritrea. An estimated 1.1 million Eritreans have been displaced by Ethiopian aggression and an estimated 100.000 Ethiopian and 20.000 Eritrean soldiers were killed in this two year war.
On June 19th 2000 both parties agreed on a ceasefire and on December 12th 2000 a peace agreement was signed in Algiers. A 4200-strong multinational UN peacekeeping force (UNMEE) was deployed for the de-mining and demarcation of the border.
On April 13th 2002 the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague published the conclusions of the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission. The lands bordering the Yirga Triangle, areas, including Badme in the Central zone and Eastern Sector and border town Tserona have been awarded to Eritrea. The border towns Zalambessa and Alitena (Central Sector) and Bure (Danakil Depression) were awarded to Ethiopia.
Background to the border conflict > > >

Psalm 83

King James Version (KJV)

83 Keep not thou silence, O God: hold not thy peace, and be not still, O God.
²For, lo, thine enemies make a tumult: and they that hate thee have lifted up the head.
³They have taken crafty counsel against thy people, and consulted against thy hidden ones.
⁴They have said, Come, and let us cut them off from being a nation; that the name of Israel may be no more in remembrance.
⁵For they have consulted together with one consent: they are confederate against thee:
⁶The tabernacles of Edom, and the Ishmaelites; of Moab, and the Hagarenes;
⁷Gebal, and Ammon, and Amalek; the Philistines with the inhabitants of Tyre;
⁸Assur also is joined with them: they have holpen the children of Lot. Selah.
⁹Do unto them as unto the Midianites; as to Sisera, as to Jabin, at the brook of Kison:
¹⁰Which perished at Endor: they became as dung for the earth.
¹¹Make their nobles like Oreb, and like Zeeb: yea, all their princes as Zebah, and as Zalmunna:
¹²Who said, Let us take to ourselves the houses of God in possession.
¹³O my God, make them like a wheel; as the stubble before the wind.
¹⁴As the fire burneth a wood, and as the flame setteth the mountains on fire;
¹⁵So persecute them with thy tempest, and make them afraid with thy storm.
¹⁶Fill their faces with shame; that they may seek thy name, O Lord.
¹⁷Let them be confounded and troubled for ever; yea, let them be put to shame, and perish:
¹⁸That men may know that thou, whose name alone is EHYAH, art the most high over all the earth.

Horror In The Sinai: Israel Teargases Eritrean Refugees Begging For Their Lives
12 September 2012 haaretz.com
It is real: The story of the tragic saga of Eritrean Refugees in the hands of Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) is horrific. A report in Israel's Daily Newspaper Haaretz yesterday disclosed: Horror in the Sinai: Israel teargases Eritrean Refugees begging for their lives! Read below for details:
Testimonies suggest that the men who had been trapped at the Israeli-Egyptian border for 8 days were tear gassed, forcefully dragged into Egyptian territory.
By Talila Nesher | Sep.11, 2012 | 7:44 PM

For the first time since they were allowed into Israel, the three Eritrean migrants who were held at the border with Egypt along with 18 others for over a week, served affidavits claiming that the IDF used physical force as well as tear gas against the migrants.

The two women and one 14-year-old boy were sent to Saharonim Prison in the Negev after being allowed to enter the country.

The three delivered testimonies to attorneys Amar Shatz and Yiftah Cohen from the We Are Refugees organization, which contradicted the previous statement released by the Prime Minister’s Office as well as the state’s response to the High Court, according to which the group of 18 Eritreans “returned to where they came,” suggesting that they returned to Egypt out of their own volition.

From the third affidavit, which was given separately, it was revealed that Israeli security forces which crossed the fence into the Egyptian side “used force, held them physically and pushed them onto a tarp which was dragged over to the Egyptian side.”

The three told the lawyers that “some of the men had fainted, that everyone was starving and that they tried helplessly to resist while pleading and yelling to be killed rather than being sent back to Egypt.” According to the affidavits, the IDF used tear gas against the Eritreans.

We Are Refugees has called for an investigation “regarding the state’s alleged actions and its public statements, namely to shed light fate on those who are missing.”

The IDF Spokesperson Unit has yet to issue a response.

The Prime Minister’s Office refused to respond to Haaretz’s probe over the nature of its previous statement, which hinted that the migrants returned to Egypt on their own accord.

The PMO also refused to respond to the question of whether it is in contact with Egyptian officials who promise the ensure the safety of the migrants, or whether it was promised that they would not be sent back to Eritrea before having their asylum seeker status checked beforehand. Moreover, the PMO did not respond when asked whether its personnel know the whereabouts of the 18 Eritreans that were sent back to Egypt.

According to international law, should Israel decides to not grant asylum to the migrants, it must arrive at an agreement with Egypt, which would ensure that they will allow them the opportunity to be absorbed by the state, and will not be deported back to their home country.

Refugee slaves, explodes the emergence of the field of Shagarab: UN report at the Palais des Nations in Geneva

Emilio Drudi

The last case is a few days ago, four young Eritrean refugees in Sudan were kidnapped in the refugee camp Shagarab. Of them do not know anything. Everything leads us to believe that, like hundreds, maybe thousands of other boys, they ended up in the hands of human traffickers. Criminal groups whose interests and whose bases are now operating from the northern borders of Eritrea and Ethiopia to Sinai, on the threshold of the border with Israel.

Just Shagarab the field from which the four girls have disappeared, in fact, has become an inexhaustible source of supply for the rampant "market" of men and women. Indeed, perhaps the main source, so it can be considered an emergency in the already huge, dramatic emergency general of refugees and migrants who escaped from the Horn of Africa, are increasingly prey to organizations that exploit their despair, sequestrandoli and making slaves. Once captured, in fact, their future is doomed. To free the kidnappers demanding a huge ransom in the last month has been reached to 35-40 thousand dollars, a figure that equates to more than a lifetime of work in the countries from which those young people, especially Eritrea, but also the 'Ethiopia and Somalia, where the average income does not reach two dollars a day. For those who can not pay there is no escape. Men are sold as arms for forced labor to private companies or unscrupulous. For women is even worse: they are designed to forced marriages or, more often, the international tour of prostitution. Not to mention the risk of ending up in the black market of organs for transplantation, offered to patients around the world by clinical complacent or that you do not ask too many questions about the "donors".

The agency Habeshia Don Mussie Zerai, which deals in particular assistance to Eritrean migrants and more generally in the Horn of Africa, denounces this situation for years to Shagarab. Now, a detailed report was presented at the Palais des Nations in Geneva also by Melissa Fleming, spokeswoman of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

Shagarab is one of the collection centers refugees oldest and largest of the eastern Sudan. Opened in 1968 close to the Eritrean border, hosts currently in three different fields nearly 30,000 refugees: 29,445 seconds the latest UN estimates. It is in the vast majority of young men and women, with a good level of education and who see in the Sudan only a transit area: their goal is to reach Europe or the West, crossing the Mediterranean from North Africa or the Sinai desert to cross the border of Israel, regarded as a European outpost. Almost all of them are victims of political persecution or, especially the Eritrean deserters or draft dodgers. Guys, that is, who want to avoid military service imposed by the dictator Isaias Afewerki and that usually takes much more than 18 months provided: often lasts for years and years, until old age, making them conscripts to life. But this their anxiety to escape from war, persecution and hunger for freedom, civil rights and the better future they hope to find in the West, making them easy victims of traffickers.

Getting a visa to travel abroad from Sudan is very difficult and requires a very long time. Even in the most obvious cases of political persecution and risking their lives if they return. So, after years of waiting in refugee camps, they rely increasingly on "smugglers" who promise to take them to pay a ticket which is around $ 5,000, up in Libya and there in Europe or in Israel through Sinai. But these guides are actually linked to gangs of robbers: Before you get ahead of the border take them captives and give them to slave traders. In recent times, indeed, criminal organizations do not even expect to be contacted: are their emissaries to bring refugees from fleeing when they cross the border of Sudan or nearby or even inside the complex Shagarab. And who does not give in to the lure of "smugglers" often is kidnapped and taken hostage. From that moment begins an endless ordeal. A fate shared by thousands of young people now.
The report of the UN High Commissioner in Geneva noted that in recent months have increased enormously the mysterious disappearances from the field of Shagarab. "Some of these young people disappeared - complaint Melissa Fleming - were seized, others have paid to be smuggled into other countries. For those kidnapped are asked for a ransom. Or are delivered to traffickers who start them sexual exploitation or forced labor. Most at risk of abduction are Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers. According to numerous reports or interviews, the main perpetrators of kidnapping and human trafficking from Eastern Sudan to Egypt are members of local tribes or of Sinai, in collaboration with criminal gangs. " Over the past two years and limited only to the Eritrean UN figures speak of 619 young people from Shagarab disappeared into thin air. Of these, 551 well in 2012, confirming a striking escalation of the phenomenon. Not to mention the children of other nationalities and an unknown number, but certainly very high, the cases reported but not confirmed.

The situation is so severe that it threatens to explode an open conflict between the refugee camp and the local population. After the kidnapping of four girls, followed a day later by that of a young refugees from Shagarab have raided some villages of the district, accusing people of being complicit or at least accomplices of traffickers. Were born bloody clashes, with many wounded on both sides. With difficulty the police managed to regain control, but the tension is such that violence is likely to erupt again at any time. The police themselves, indeed, is challenged by the refugees, who accuse her of doing nothing or of not doing enough to keep away from the fields of traffickers, the emissaries, leaving them free field throughout the area from the Eritrean border in Shagarab but also beyond, up to the Egyptian border.
Hence the report presented in Geneva by Melissa Fleming, with the call to take responsibility for what is happening is that the Sudanese authorities to international institutions. It is, first of all, to put an end to human trafficking, chasing the criminal groups that have organized and run it: some of the leaders have already been identified and marked by time, but you can not catch them and bring them to justice. Maybe because I've never really been searched. Much to feed the suspicion of collusion at a high level and parallel connections with other trades, such as arms in favor of various political groups, or terrorists or maybe just criminals, who vie for supremacy in the region.
Precisely for this reason Don Mussie Zerai has repeatedly called for the European Union, the United Nations and, ultimately, the international community, to take charge of the problem, calling for more action to the states through which the route: Sudan and South Sudan, Egypt, Israel, Libya. And to start an international entrusting to Interpol, in collaboration with various national police forces. But also to open more doors of 'Fortress Europe' to refugees, asylum seekers and migrants.

With the proliferation of wars and persecutions in the Horn of Africa and sub-Saharan Africa the flow of refugees continues to grow. The Sudan has always been one of the first stages of this exodus. Almost nobody talks about it, but in the country and in the region promises a humanitarian emergency even more dramatic than at present. And the Sudan is closer than you might think: they been there almost all the refugees landed in Italy in recent years, after reaching luckily Libya and crossed the Strait of Sicily.